Dark clouds are cast over the Democratic Labor Party. After the party’s crushing defeat in the presidential election, old strife has grown more intense and is now about to explode. Some members are openly speaking about split of the party, others, however, are insisting on a cooperative spirit, saying that the split will only bring about self-destructive result.

On December 29th, in a central committee meeting the party called to settle the situation, lawmaker Shim Sang-jung had emerged as a relief pitcher to save the party. But the meeting ended to confirm that it is not easy to save the situation. So-called Equality faction (considered as DLP left) demanded right of nominating in the 2008 general election, an entire authority of the party, and purging the party of pro-North Korean hardliners. National liberation front faction, a majority group within the DLP that is not free from the suspicion of pro-North Korean influences, had not the least idea to accept the demand.

The party’s wavering situation has reached its peak and many members have attributed the crushing defeat to the NL faction. So some leftist party members expected them to make a retreat. But the NL faction didn’t move at all.

It is supposed to be hard for them to shed off the acquired rights and negate their own identity. Instead the NL faction has denied the existence of pro-North Korean hardliners and retorted sharply that the Equality faction had also managed the party peremptorily when they got the majority.

DLP’s Regressive, but not Unexpected Steps

Long before the ‘split of the party’ is discussed openly, there have been lots of signs. Some members of the Equality faction have sporadically insisted that they get the whole authority of the party or secede from it. To make matters worse, increasing numbers who feel regret about the party begin to secede. For the first time since the party was created, last November saw net decrease in the number of party members, which means numbers of those who join it have been outrun by who defect.

Some of leftist group accuse the NL faction of following pro-North Korea line and despotism. They argue that the party has basically been hijacked by pro-North Korean members and failed to hold its stance as a true progressive, left-wing party in issues like North Korea’s nuclear test.

To put it concretely, when North Korean nuclear crisis cast a shadow over Korean peninsula last October, several members of the NL faction showed their naked hope that the bombs would be a strong force once unification comes. In 2005, when dispute over possession of a neighboring sea island, Dok-do, between Korea and Japan severely aggravated, the party issued official statementthat insisted development of the island and stationing troops. The statement clearly revealed the faction’s chauvinistic propertyin the name of national liberation front.

In addition to those muddles, there were many other disputes that have shed suspicion over the party’s identity. For example, the party’s chief policymaker, who are under influence of the faction, commented that homosexuality was an indicator of the capitalist corruption. Besides, the party once apologized to the Federation of Korea Trade Union (FKTU) for criticizing it for being sycophant to the government.

DLP’s former lawmaker Cho Sung-su said “The faction has had college students move in districts in which they do not live to make them delegates in order to get a majority.”

Is it really because of pro-North Korea line?

Disgruntled leftist members are bursting their angers into the party’s current regressive steps, but it is uncertain that the party will go through a split immediately.

Pundits point the fact out that pro-North Korea line and despotism as a ground for split just cannot make political sense. While the debate is emerging recently, conflict between the two factions, one focuses on unification of Korea and another on labor movement, however, has a long history that dates back to the creation of the party.

In the first place the party is based on the combine of the two factions, which cannot easily be merged into one party. The shared goal to create the party could mitigate tension between the two.

So the NL faction might contend that they cannot comply with the demand because the opposite faction must have known that the faction had taken such a political platform. This is what makes the Equality faction reluctant to insist on splitting without self-reflection.

Some Equality faction members point out that they have to reproach themselves for lack of capability to keep the NL faction under control. Besides problems related to North Korea, they should have done well in livelihood issues like irregular workers’ problem, which can be easily justified.

The Equality faction cannot blame others but themselves for an attempt to conclude a cooperation agreement on labor policy with the FKTU, which is said to inflict great mischief on labor movement, and joining hands with the Grand National Party in reform of national pension system, only to be betrayed, last spring.

So it is uncertain that the Equality faction can be free from criticism that they are directing all the censures of inability to the despotism of the NL faction.

“It’s not the proper time to spilt”

While voices of splitting get louder, some members refute the argument and insist a reform from the inside. Shim Sang-jung, who is expected to save the party, says “It’s not proper time to say splitting. We should make every effort we can before saying the extreme solution.” negating the claim of split.

For those who want to maintain the party, realistic view works as well as difficulty in justification. Even though the party is in difficult situation, it is the only leftist party that has made it to the parliament. And the Equality faction that is now far from the hegemony of the party has its own supporters, up to half of it. Moreover the faction has popular politicians like Shim Sang-jung and Noh Hoi-chan.

In this situation, it seems hard to break off the party and begin from the outset. Moreover, such ‘star’ politicians as Shim would be careful of shifting her ground.

Some pundits say split cannot be achieved without outside groups that the Equality faction can get help from and share vision with. As long as a vision of building a new party of leftists’ own doesn’t prevail throughout so-called pan-leftists, the leftist faction would not dare to start 'March of Hardship.'

Outside the party there are many leftist political groups, which are in general rarely known to the public, including political party such as the Korea Socialist Party and many political groups like the Power of Working Class. They are dispersed and work individually. They share a lot of values but are in some sense different to each other. Differences in views over building a party especially stand out.

Can the Equality Faction Go Hand in Hand with

It would be harder, pundits say, for the Equality faction to cooperate with pan-leftist groups like the Power of Working Class rather than with pro-North Korea force, but some might see another opportunities.

Choi Kwang-eun, a former spokesperson of the Korea Socialist Party, revealed his personal opinion that he wants(the Equality faction) to show a scheme of reforming the progressive political factions in a clearer form and said “the faction seems to be caught in a split itself, lacking a larger vision of reform.”

And he saw chance of so-called leftist coalition, saying “we are open to an offer of coalition, only if it has meaningful substances of reform, not just for meeting and parting.”

He commented on the subject of pan-leftist coalition, “We are not yet ready to officially discuss it immediately,” and said “a meeting is starting to discuss basic conditions of coalition January.”

He added “We are intended to meet Cho Sung-su, the head of DLP's progressive political think-tank, and Kim Hyung-tak, a former spokesperson as soon as possible.”

If the pan-leftist groups come together, the debate will enter upon a new phase.

“You may feel like in Siberia inside, but it’s much colder outside.”

Last March the President-elect Lee Myung-bak made a wit remark. “You may feel like in Siberia inside, but it’s much colder outside,” said Lee to former Governor of Gyeonggi Province, Sohn Hak-kyu, who was then trying to defect the Grand National Party.

So are the conditions to the Equality faction. A member of the faction said “Splitting the party is not an easy problem, so much as cooperating with outside groups. Even though the debate is growing hot, nothing’s yet been determined.”

Wooing Sohn to go together, the broader ruling camp welcomed the defector. It is obvious that the existence of supporters outside helped Son to decide to defect. Sohn then stated that he was going to make his own way into Siberia in the sphere of politics.

Of course, which way the Equality faction will take is basically on their hands. But the strife over split might be dependent on an external factor, progress of discussion about building a new party, as did Mr. Sohn.

Gang Fight Is Heated. For What the Fight Is?

Not only to DLP but also to many progressives, hegemony has had significant meaning. Everyone says it should be stopped, but nobody’s free from it. Politics, without sophisticated words of ornament, is a ‘gang fight.’ A fight without sword and gun. Despotism clearly shows the darker side of it.

What matters is for what the fight is. Issues the party now adheres on are somewhat like those of conservative parties. One of them is strife for party hegemony and another is political attack of following North Korean line. In words of conservatives, right of nominating and pro-North Korea. It’s up to party members at large to make judgment whether these issues can justify splitting.

It is sure that the fight should become more intensive and the subject of it reconstituted to be more radical. The debate should go on not for winning party hegemony and talking scandal of following North Korean line, which the Chosun Ilbo, a far-rightist daily paper, has acknowledged, but for

The party is embroiled in the biggest crisis, the public, ironically enough, however, is paying more attention than ever. The party should take the crisis as opportunity of presenting a clear identity of the progressive party to the public.